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00100 CHAPTER ONE -THE PARANOID MODE OF THOUGHT
00200
00201 % 1 Two Information Processing Modes
00202 I shall contrast two modes of information-processing activity,
00203 one termed `ordinary' and one termed `paranoid'.
00204 In the ordinary mode a person goes about his business of everyday
00205 living in a matter-of-fact way. He deals with routine situations in his
00206 environment as they arise, in the main taking things at their face value.
00207 Things and people behave in accordance with his belief-expectations and
00208 thus can be managed routinely. Only a small amount of attention need be
00209 devoted to monitoring the environment simple checking that everthing is
00210 as expected. This placid ongoing state-sequence can be interrupted by the
00211 the detection of signs of alarm or opportunity at any time but the
00212 predominant condition is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary
00213 as to be uneventful.
00214 In contrast to this rourine ordinariness is an arousal state of
00215 emergency for various reasons. The particular aroused emergency we shall
00216 be considering here constitutes the paranoid mode of information-processing
00217 which is characterized by alertness, hypervigilance and wariness in
00218 intensively scanning the input for ominous signs. Paranoid patients
00219 describe themselves as being at war with others and the warfare is
00220 unrelieved lest the self be overwhelmed. A person whose thought processes
00221 are dominated by the paranoid mode can be compared to a combat soldier
00222 on sentry duty to whom a bird-call, a rustle of leaves, a slight ripple
00223 on the river may signify the presence of a murderous enemy. The sentry
00224 is fully and continously mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk. In this
00225 situation appearances are not to be taken at face value as ordinary events
00226 or background but each is attended to and interpreted to detect malevolence.
00227 Events in the environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected
00228 to the self, become reffered to the self. The unintended is misinterpreted as
00229 intended and the undesigned is confused with the designed. Nothing is
00230 disattendible. The predominant intention is to detect malevolence. The
00231 over-riding belief in and expectation of malevolence on the part of others
00232 keeps the self in an aroused alarm state , a state which occurs only as
00233 an interrupt in the ordinary mode of information processing.
00299 % 2 Clinical Paranoia
00300 When the intensity and extent of the paranoid mode of thought and
00500 action becomes extreme, its possessor often comes to the attention of
00700 clinicians, sometimes voluntarily to complain and sometimes against his
00900 will. The phenomena he reports and the observations of clinicians about
01100 his behavior have been thoroughly described in the psychiatric literature.
01300 [ ] There is no need to give all the detaills here. Only those phenomena
01500 the model attempts to account for will be outlined. They are limited to
01700 what occurs in two-person linguistic interactions typical of a psychiatric
01900 interview. They are further limited to purely linguistic communication
02100 over teletypes. The clinician cannot see or hear the patient. Thus the
02300 model does not simulate the `paranoid stare' nor the intonations of
02500 indignation sometimes observed in vocal communication.
02600
02700
02800 The major properties requiring explanation consist of mistrust,
03000 self-reference, hypersensitivity, fearfulness (guardedness) and
03200 hostility (combativeness), rigidity and arrogance. Other properties
03400 sometimes found in clinical descriptions of paranoia, (delusions of
03600 jealousy, hypochondriasis, depression) will not be considered here
03800 since we believe mechanisms in addition to those postulated in our model,
04000 are responsible for such phenomena. Thus the model is circumscribed in
04200 what it intends to explain.
04300
04400
04500 Mistrust
04600
04700
04800 The primary property of the clinical paranoid mode consists of
05000 mistrust of others based on malevolence beliefs. The patient believes
05200 others have evil intentions towards him. He is convinced others try to bring about
05400 undesirable states in himself such as humiliation, harassment, injury
05600 and even death. In a two-person communication he may report such beliefs
05800 directly or ,if he is guarded , they will only be hinted at. Disclosure may
06000 depend upon how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to reports of
06200 fluctuating suspicions or absolute convictions of malevolence.
06400 The patient may vary in his own estimate of his malevolence beliefs.
06600 If they consist of suspicions, he may have moments of rational doubt in
06800 which he tries to reject them as ill-founded. But if the beliefs represent
07000 absolute convictions, he does not struggle to dismiss them. They become
07200 pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
07400 try to do him evil. He seeks affirmation of his beliefs, sympathy , and
07600 allies in positions of power such as clinicians or lawyers to help him
07800 take action.
08000 The conceptual content of the malevolence beliefs may involve a
08200 specifc Other person or a conspiracy of others such as the Mafia, the
08400 FBI, Communists. The patient sees himself literally as patient (one who suffers or undergoes)
08600 rather than agent. Other agents subject him to, make him an object of, their evil
08800 intentions. At times the conceptual content of the beliefs are not
09000 directly expressed in a dialogue. The patient may be so mistructful of
09200 how their disclusure might be used against him that he cautiously feels
09400 his way through an interview offering only hints which the clinician
09600 uses to infer the presence of delusions.
09700
09800 A clinician faces the task of distinguishing whether the malevolence
10000 beliefs are true, false or pretense. Some malevolence beliefs are
10200 justified but they are secondary constructions arising from the paranoids
10400 tendency to provoke others to the point where they in fact display
10600 hostility towards him.
10700
10800
10900 Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
11000
11100
11200 The patient believes many more events in the world pertain to
11400 himself than seems justified to other observers. For example, he is convinced that
11600 newspaper headlines are directly personally at him or that the statements
11800 of radio announcers contian special messages for him. Thus he
12000 hypersensitively reads himself into situations which are not intended to
12200 pertain to him and his particular concerns.
12400 The references to the Self are usually interpreted as malevolent
12600 conceptually. He may believe he is being observed and influenced by
12800 others with evil intentions.
12900
13000 References to the Self are interpreted as slurs, slights or unfair
13200 judgements. He may feel he is being observed, stared at and even
13300 mysteriously influenced. In crowds he believes he is intentionally
13400 bumped and on the highway he feels repeatedly tail-gaited. Bombarded
13500 without relief by all these wrongs , he becomes hyperirritable and guarrelsome.
13600 He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when linguistic
13700 representations of particular concepts appear in the conversation. For
13800 example, remarks about his age, religion, or family, or sexlife may set
13900 him off. Even when these areas are touched upon without reference to him,
14000 e.g. religion in general, he takes it personally. When a delusional
14100 complex is present, linguistic terms far removed but still connectible to
14200 the complex act as flares. Thus a man holding beliefs that the Mafia
14300 intend to harm him, a remark about Italy might cause him to react in a
14400 suspicious or hostile manner.
14500
14600 Affect-Expression
14700
14800 The major affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally, are
14900 those of fear and anger. The patient may be fearful of physical attack
15000 and injury even to the point of death. He fears others wish to subjugate
15100 and control him. His fear is justified in his mind by the many physical
15200 threats he detects in the conduct of others towards him. His chronic
15300 irritability becomes punctuated with outbursts of raging tirades and
15400 diatribes. When he feels he is being overwhelmed he may in desperation
15500 physically attack others.
15600 The experienced and expressed affects of fear and anger blend with
15700 one another in varying proportions to yield an unpleasant negative affect
15800 state made continuous by fantasy rehearsals and retellings of past wrongs.
15900 Depending on his interpretation of malevolent input, the patient may
16000 move away from others in being guarded, secretive and evasive and then
16100 may suddenly jump at others with sarcastic accusatoriness and
16200 argumentativeness. His affect-states become chained into loops with
16300 those others in his life space who take censoring action towards him because
16400 of his uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
16500
16600 While seldom if ever expressed, and thus not observed clinically,
16700 we believe the affect of humiliation plays a crucial role in the paranoid mode,
16800 as will be discussed (p. ). One of the assumptions of the model to
16900 be presented consists of an overall principle of minimizing humiliation,
17000 preventing a further reduction in self-esteem through experienced humiliation.
17100
17200 Rigidity
17300
17400 Among the chief properties of clinically observed paranoia are those
17500 phenomena which may be characterized as indicators of rigidity. The
17600 patients beliefs in his sensitive areas remain fixed, difficult to
17700 influence by evidence or persuasion. The patient himself makes few
17800 verification attempts to which might disconfirm his convictions. To
17900 change a belief is to admit being wrong. To forgive others also opens
18000 a crack in the wall of righteousness. He does not apologize nor accept
18100 apology. He stubbornly follows rules to the letter and his literal
18200 interpretations of regulations can drive others wild. It is this quality
18300 of rigidity and fixity which makes the treatment of paranoia by
18400 psychological methods so difficult.
18500
18600 Other Explanations of Paranoia
18700
18800 While paranoid processes represent a disorder at one level, the
18900 observable regularities of the disorder imply an underlying order at
19000 another level. Attempts to explain, to make intelligible, the order
19100 behind the disorder , have been offered since antiquity. Scientific
19200 explanations do not stand alone in isolation. They are evaluated relative
19300 to rival contenders for the position of `best available'.
19400
19500 Theories stem from two sources, from hypotheses suggested by the
19600 structure of the phenomena themselves and from modifications of previous
19700 theory. Each generation develops new explanatory theories by discovering
19800 new phenomena or by modifying predecessor theories. The old theories are
19900 unsatisfactory or only partially satisfactory because they are found to
20000 contain anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes
20100 previous theories are viewed as lacking support by current standards.
20200 Theories are mainly superseded rather than disproved. The new versions
20300 try to remove the contradictions,increase comprehensiveness or gain evidential
20400 support.
20500 Theories offered as scientific explanations should be (a) systematic
20600 (i.e. coherent and consistent) and (b) empirically testable. Many
20700 psychological formulations about the paranoid mode do not meet these
20800 criteria. For example, to account for paranoid thought process by
20900 citing a constitutional inadequacy or an imbalance of intellect and affect
21000 offers no mechanisms and is so untestable as not to warrant discussion.
21100 What is needed as an explanation of the right type is a structure of
21200 mechanisms or symbol-processing procedures which is capable of producing
21300 the observable regularities of the paranoid mode.
21400 Let us consider some explanations alternate to that of
21500 our model, starting in the late 19th century. (Historians can certainly find notions of
21600 intentions, affects and beliefs as far back as Aristotle, who seldom quoted
21700 his sources.
21800 `Everything has been said before but it has to be said again because
21900 nobody listens'(Gide)). In 1896 Freud [ ] proposed a theory at least of the right
22000 type, a sort-of symbol-processing explanation which postulated a defense mechanism
22100 to explain persecutory paranoia [ ]. He assumed the believed persecution of the
22200 Self by Others to represent projected Self-reproaches for childhood
22300 masturbation. Today hardly anyone finds this explanation plausible but
22400 the concepts of defense mechanism and projection have survived.
22600 Around the turn of the century, Fliess (according to Jones[ ]) proposed in letters to Freud
22700 that paranoid thought stemmed from an unconscious homosexual conflict.
22800 Freud endorsed this idea whole-heartedly and in 1910 [ ] developed it in terms of
22900 transformations being applied to the basic propostion `I (a man) love him.'
23000 He postulated this proposition to be so intolerable as not to be admitted
23100 to consciousness and therefore subjected to being transformed unconsciously,
23200 first into `I do not love him, I hate him' which in turn was transformed
23300 into the conscious belief `He hates me' with the accompanying conclusion
23400 `Therefore I am justified in hating him'.
23500 In modern terms this explanation offers a set of mechanisms or
23600 procedures which progressively distort symbolic-structures. It is thus
23700 the right type of explanation we are searching for. Great difficulty has
23800 been encountered in testing the theory since there is no agreed-on method
23900 for detecting the presence of unconscious homosexual conflict. The
24000 explanation is also inconsistent with another of Freud's ideas that
24100 everyone harbors unconscious homosexual conflicts. To reconcile the
24200 inconsistency one would have to postulate some additional, possibly
24300 quantitative factors, to explain the intensity and extent of the paranoid
24400 mode in certain people.
24500 The current state of the homosexual-conflict explanation is a doubtful
24600 one. But as will be discussed, it contains a grain of truthlikelihood as a
24700 limiting case for a more general theory of the paranoid mode.
24800 Freud's [ego and id] later attempts at the
24900 explanation of paranoia assumed simply that love was transformed into hate
25000 This notion is too vague, general, and incomplete an articulation to
25100 qualify for a contemporary dialectics of explanation which reqires a more
25200 detailrd and explicit structure of mechanisms to account for such a transformation.
25300 Tomkins [ ] in 196? proposed an information-processing theory of the
25400 paranoid posture articulated in terms of defense mechanisms, strategies,
25500 transformations ,and maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the
25600 paranoid mode as an attempt to cope with humiliation. He proposed that a person whose
25700 information processing is monopolized by the paranoid mode is in a
25800 permanent state of vigilance, trying to mmaximize the detection of insult
25900 and to minimize humiliation.
26000 "The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
26100 in his insistence on processing all information as though
26200 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
26300 The hypotheses of Tomkin's theory, stated in essay form, are difficult to
26400 test for their consistency and for their empirical correspondence. But
26500 as will be shown,, we have incorporated and modified several of them in our model
26600 By conjoining them as collaborative elements in a working model we can
26700 enhance their testability both logically and empirically.
26800 In 1970 Swanson et al.[ ] in a book on paranoia portrayed
26900 how a `homeostatic' individual attempts to deal with `bewildering
27000 perceptions'. They postulated that a person in homeostatic
27100 equilibrium perceives a pronounced inner or outer change which is
27200 inexplicable or unacceptable. The resultant disequilibrium is so
27300 bewildering that in order to restore equilibrium, the person constructs
27400 a paranoid explanation which attributes the cause of the change, not to
27500 the Self, but to an external source. With the cause of the change
27600 identified , bewilderment is abolished an uncertainty reduced.
27700 Elements of this formulation represent highly plausible symbol-processing
27800 mechanisms particularly in cases of paranoid thinkng associated with the
27900 `pronounced changes' of organic braain damage or amphetamine psychosis.
28000 In paranoid states, reactions or personalities where no pronounced
28100 physical change can be identified ,the formulation is insufficient and must
28200 be filled out with further mechanisms. However the
28400 theory does emphasize intentionalistic mechanisms which we also believe must play a part
28500 in a model of human thought processes.
28600 In sum, the rival theories of paranoia here reviewed have not gained
28700 widespread acceptance because of various weaknesses and limitations.
28710 No reigning and unified theory of paranoia is widely accepted today.
28800 The field is wide open for contenders. We shall be proposing a
28900 simulation model as an explanation intended to be more explicit,
29000 systematic, consistent and testable than the theories described above.
29100 The model combines hypotheses of these previous contributions with hypotheses
29200 and assumptions of our own into a coherent unified explanatory system.